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for example in egypt the brotherhood may be very reluctant on certain aspects of the security sector they're dealing with the military privileges of the military but other areas, for example, police, basic police reform and abuses and behavior of police i think my question and the brotherhood would be happy to see this corrected and improved, but that there is a perception within the brotherhood by many in the egyptian government institutions that if you were to address these issues it would result in its short term increase in crime and stability and they feel as though they can either fight crime effectively where they could address these kind of concerns which would be useful in the long term but detrimental in the short term and they would pay a heavy political price for the increase in crime on the basic security that would come with this reform. if you talk a little bit about that and also in tunisia i was there a couple of weeks ago, and one of the topics that came up quite a bit was the attacks on the u.s. embassy and while those of us here that might obviously highlight the need
in egypt and tunisia to push this forward and to overcome the increasing polarization. >> i will add to and dan's remarks and say in terms of technicalities and specific steps that need to be taken to reconfigure the domestic security establishment, they are all laid out there in a study that was put together by a group of civil society leaders as well as a group of meetings from the securities sector, commonly known as police for egypt. there's a great deal of debate within civil society about the exact concrete actionable step that needs to be taken in the short run and in the long run some of these steps when themselves to the type of changes that would require the liberation. this is one issue to keep in mind. the dialog's ideas are out there but what is missing as dan mentioned is the political will, the seriousness to engage in dialogue on this issue, even if they're not ready to adopt policy recommendations, there needs to be some kind of ongoing dialogue on these issues but at the same time i want to point out the issue of political will is important, there will always be a c
that the spring is beneficial, we see that in egypt, this is not necessarily the case. the muslim brotherhood in egypt, the sunni islam that party with different views of regional policy. the egyptian president was in tehran recently for the non-aligned movement meeting and there is a lot of worry at him going to tehran would indicate that iran was isolated as the u.s. had imagined it to be or wanted it to be. more see meeting with iran officials indicated iran is an important regional player. of course what did morrissey during undreamed due? he criticized the regime of bashar al-assad and implicitly criticized the regime for his support of syria. this was an embarrassment for the iranian leadership, to the point that they change translation on television. he criticized syria and every man television set by rain. so trying to save face basically. but we've seen that egypt is not necessarily going to follow iran's policies in the region. in fact, the egyptians have kept their distance from tehran. they have not resumed relations in this a lot of tension in some issues. in addition, turkey eme
of peace looking at the state of security forces in egypt, tunisia and libya. the arab spring are in the state of transition with the army, police and intelligence services playing different roles in each. this took place earlier this week in washington. it's two hours. >> good morning everyone. i'm steve heydemann for issues of the u.s. institute of peace, and we are delighted to see you all here at today's session on the securities sector reform in the arab world and some rsvp to me have been scared by the false rumor that it would be subjected to a political polling experience following the panel. that is not the case. so you do not need to worry about that. we are very pleased to have you here with us all this morning. i would like to stress that our topic this morning i think is both particularly important but also especially urgent. i do not think that it is an exaggeration to say what happens with the security sectors in the arab world and by security sectors i mean the police, the armed forces, and most of all of course the very substantial intelligence apparatus that
be possible that egypt might impose some restrictions, done by some kind of democracy, so i think first of all i'm a strong constitutionalist. i think there should be fundamental rights that are defined and equality of each human being and that they should be entrenched and they should not be such that a majority can vote them away. and so we have a system of that sort and we are already head and i think the countries where talking about all have that sort so what we are dealing with in those countries is the kind of external imposition done by parents, by peer pressure and so forth. now then, think it's perfectly fair to say that it's in the same case exactly as my father. of course i didn't have quite such a racist community around me because we were in the north but it was pretty racist. you know, no one was helping me have my social life the way i wanted it. in fact i couldn't even go to a dance at a public school much less african-american. so i think you know, that is external. it didn't define who i was. i was in a democracy and so think on this i did go to college and then i got to go
will not willfully step aside as we saw in tunisia, egypt and even in yemen. and i would argue probably is not amenable to any sort of negotiated solution. the second constant is that the opposition has been perpetually divided, fragmented, unable to coalesce around a unifying vision of a post-assad syria. we've seen divisions among the external opposition, we've seen divisions inside syria, we've seen divisions among the arms groups, divisions based on ideology, divisions based on patrons and so forth. and the third factor is that the international community has remained at a stalemate, has been unable to reach a consensus on how to move forward in syria. we've seen three security council vetoes by russia and china causing many to call the u.n., essentially, ineffective in this crisis. so it's been the interplay of these three factors, i would argue, that has led syria down the path that it has taken. in terms of u.s. policy, u.s. policy is based on the objective of having assad, as president obama called for, step aside. this was back in august of 2011. the problem with u.s. policy is
proactive and extending aid to egypt before and after morsi was elected, and i think it's important to understand what sort of things egypt needed right away was an ability to sell government bonds and treasury bills were because it takes about 14% interest which is pretty high for a government come and immediate deaths things look terrible. they came in and said okay. we will buy your one month issue of bills. a good payment unless the government defaults on everything. but that has helped relieve some of the interest pressure and try to move egypt out of the debt trap than greece or italy or spain. the second thing they have done is like the development bank there's quite good development banks that help identify the investment projects, make sure they are built without corruption and that they become effective. i think it is $4.5 billion that were qatar and saudi arabia have and christine was out there in september and they were working on a long program, very low interest rate and there would be another four and a half million or so but then egypt has a fighting chance to get an
into the arab spring. in egypt last year, when they can shut down the internet, shutdown global service, many asked how are they able to do that. what does it mean they can do that? is a very important question. but let me focus on another important question that fewer people asked. how did egypt come to have an internet and the mobile service worth shutting down? the short answer lies in the most important policy a congressman of the clinton administration that most people, present company excluded, have never heard of. world trade organization agreement on basic telecommunications. back in the 1990s, monopolies operated communications networks in most countries around the world, generally government owned or controlled monopoly. that was the world most of us grew up in. it was before the internet and mobile communications took off, and it's not a coincidence that the end of that world coincided with a takeoff of mobile and internet. in any event, back then in the '90s, leaders at the white house, as stated above, commerce department, and yes the fcc, develop what many thought at the time wa
your mother would be gone for years. she came to the u.s. in egypt even know it. >> guest: she's still like that in a way, you know, where she does things that we don't fit into the equation sometimes. and it's been a struggle to get her to be a little more motherly. i think at this point we've come to expect that's the way she is and we just take her as she is. i think it helps because we're not disappointed. i do hope we could be a better grandmother. i know my great-grandmother, my mother said she wasn't such a great mother. but to ask him if she was the most wonderful grandmother in the world. so i'm hoping that's the way my children feel for her as well. that's all i want for my kids have a good relationship. >> host: reyna grandecan assume other mother to read this book, or does she know within a? >> guest: she hasn't read the book is it's in english and my mother does not speak english. she knows some of us in it because i told her this is the story about my childhood and growing up in the u.s. and i write about you, my dad, but i don't think my mother really understand about ho
Search Results 0 to 8 of about 9